Census 2027 and the Politics of Not Knowing
Sixteen years without a census is not an administrative failure. It is a policy choice — one that has quietly determined who eats, who is represented, and whose existence the state acknowledges.


Sixteen years without a census is not an administrative failure. It is a policy choice — one that has quietly determined who eats, who is represented, and whose existence the state acknowledges.



When a government directive carries the force of law and a fifteen-day comment window counts as consultation, the question is not whether platforms comply — it is who decides what compliance means.



On World Health Day 2026, India has 70 crore people enrolled in health insurance and 37 million stunted children. These two facts are not unrelated.



Tamil Nadu's unconditional cash transfer to women is evidence-backed and meaningful. The harder question is whether the state that built the Dravidian welfare model needed to follow the rest of India down this road.



Fifty years of amendments, one direction of travel: how the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act became the instrument through which the Indian state removes the organisations that hold it to account.



On 24 March 2026, the Supreme Court declared that caste-based constitutional protections end at the church door. The judgment is legally tidy and empirically wrong. It also rests on a political architecture that was never principled to begin with, and has been reproduced, intact, across seven decades, six commissions, and four governments.



The country that invented systematic household surveys in the 1950s has never conducted a national income distribution survey. The consumption data that substitutes for one produces a Gini coefficient of 25.5 — low enough for the government to claim India is the fourth most equal country in the world. The World Inequality Lab estimates the actual income Gini at above 0.60. The gap between those two numbers is not a measurement error. It is a political architecture.



India's fiscal arithmetic changed 26 days after Parliament received it. That is not an accident of scheduling. It is a governance problem.



Zohran Mamdani is the most pro-Palestine mayor in American municipal history. He is also systematically undermining his own position every time he is personally pressured. The pattern is consistent: bold declarations on the macro questions (genocide, apartheid, BDS, the IHRA definition) paired with reflexive capitulation on the micro tests (a Palestinian writer's rhetoric, an aide's old social media posts, a reporter's question about his wife). This essay argues that the pattern is not a personal failing but a structural one, and that Mahmood Mamdani, the mayor's father and one of the foremost political theorists of the postcolonial world, has spent fifty years producing scholarship that explains exactly how it works.



The joint US-Israeli war on Iran, now nineteen days old, has produced what the IEA calls the largest oil supply disruption in history, sent Brent crude above $108, shut the Strait of Hormuz to commercial shipping, displaced 3.2 million Iranians, and triggered an LPG crisis across India. This essay argues that the war follows a seventy-three-year pattern of Western powers destroying sovereign states in the name of freedom while externalising the costs onto the world's poorest people. India, which imports 88% of its crude oil and has 9.8 million citizens in the Gulf, is not a spectator to this war. It is paying for it.



The BJP-led NDA crossed the Rajya Sabha majority mark on March 16, 2026, sweeping 9 of 11 contested seats through cross-voting and the collapse of the opposition. Three days earlier, the government introduced a Transgender Persons Amendment Bill that strips self-identification rights, imposes medical gatekeeping, and operates retroactively. Together, these events mark the end of India's upper house as a functioning institutional constraint on executive power.



What the headlines celebrate as Modi's diplomatic win, the fine print reveals as a deal where India gives more than it gets



When a convicted sex offender becomes the backchannel for India's diplomatic strategy, it reveals more than scandal. On how the Ambani-Epstein conversation exposes elite information networks bypassing formal institutions, creating market advantages through advance policy knowledge, and exemplifying the systematic erosion of state capacity in Modi's India.



Budget 2026-27 allocated Rs 250 crore for "Orange Economy" labs to train 2 million AVGC workers by 2030. South Korea invests $1.1 billion annually in content production and IP development, building companies like CJ Entertainment that own global franchises. India's approach trains animators to execute Hollywood's visions while Adani-Ambani extract public wealth through airports and telecom, not creative industries. The orange branding masks saffron reality: metrics without investment, training without capacity.



The CAG has documented systematic fraud in the Modi government's flagship skilling program. But the real scandal is what it reveals about India's squandered demographic dividend.



Inside the Demands for Grants, the off-budget funds, and the Rs 95,125 crore that Parliament did not vote on.



Trump captures Maduro, threatens to annex Greenland, and strangles Cuba with secondary sanctions. The system that took 47 years to build is being dismantled in weeks.



Why the US invested 94 times more in AI than India last year, why 62% of India's top engineering talent emigrates, why every semiconductor fab proposal keeps collapsing, and what this means for an IT sector already shedding tens of thousands of jobs to the very technology India cannot build.



Regulations meant to prevent student suicides triggered Supreme Court intervention, BJP resignations, and exposed how India destroys thousands of crores in human capital annually through institutional discrimination while allocating minimal resources to equity enforcement.



Three days before the Union Budget 2025-26, while analysing the Economic Survey's critiques of state "fiscal populism," I kept returning to a single line in last year's budget documents. The Department of Economic Affairs had allocated Rs 62,593 crore to something called "New Schemes" - with no details available. By the revised estimates, only Rs 9,068 crore had been spent. That is Rs 53,525 crore that simply disappeared between announcement and implementation, with no parliamentary questions asked, no CAG audit conducted, and no public explanation of what these "schemes" actually were.
